MPs take pay raise same day they take more from taxpayers

Politicians don’t deserve pay raises while making life unaffordable for Canadians

Franco Terrazzano

Troy Media

In just over two weeks, members of Parliament will take more money out of your wallet and stuff more into their own.

On April 1, the federal government is increasing carbon and alcohol taxes while MPs take their fourth pay raise since the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic.

This year’s pay raise will range from an extra $5,100 for a backbench MP to an extra $10,200 for Prime Minister Justin Trudeau, based on contract data published by the government of Canada.

A backbencher currently collects a $189,500 salary. Ministers take home $279,900. Trudeau gets $379,000 from taxpayers. Do they really think they should take thousands more from their constituents, many of whom are struggling to fill the fridge?

But this year’s changes alone downplay the pay raises politicians took during the pandemic.

As of April 1, MPs will receive an annual salary $15,700 higher than they did pre-pandemic, while the prime minister will take home an extra $31,400.

Politicians don’t deserve pay raises when they make life unaffordable with higher taxes.

The federal carbon tax will be cranked up to 14 cents per litre of gas and 12 cents per cubic metre of natural gas on April 1.

The Trudeau government claims “families are going to be better off” with its carbon tax and rebates. The government expects you to believe it can raise taxes, skim some off the top to pay for hundreds of new bureaucrats and still make you better off.

The Parliamentary Budget Officer’s math shows Canadians shouldn’t swallow that spin.

The carbon tax will cost the average family between $402 and $847 this year, even after the rebates, according to the PBO. And this will be the fourth time Trudeau has increased his carbon tax since COVID-19 touched down.

While Ottawa sticks Canadians with higher bills, other countries have provided relief. The Canadian Taxpayers Federation identified 51 national governments that cut taxes during the pandemic and as inflation took off. That includes more than half of G7 and G20 countries and two-thirds of the countries in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development.

Many of our peers were also offering relief at the pumps.

Australia cut its gas tax in half. India cut its gas tax to “keep inflation low, thus helping the poor and middle classes.” The United Kingdom announced billions in fuel tax relief. South Korea cut its gas tax by 30 per cent. Germany, the Netherlands, Italy, Israel, Peru, Poland, 25 Indian states and union territories, Alberta, Ontario, Newfoundland and Labrador, New Jersey and Florida also cut gas taxes.

You could be forgiven if all this drives you to drink. But Trudeau will also be reaching further into your wallet every time you pick up a case of Keith’s, a bottle of Pinot or a mickey of rum.

Canadians already pay about half of the price of beer, 65 per cent of the price of wine and three-quarters of the price of spirits in taxes. And in April, the federal excise tax will be going up by another 6.3 per cent.

First passed in the 2017 budget, the federal escalator tax automatically increases excise taxes on alcohol with the rate of inflation each April. This undemocratic tax hike allows MPs to take more money from your wallet every year without having to vote on the increase.

After April’s hike, the federal government’s alcohol excise taxes will have increased by about 18 per cent since the automatic annual increase was introduced in 2017.

Politicians shouldn’t be raising taxes and giving themselves pay raises when Canadians have to choose between the jug of milk or the package of beef at the grocery store. All MPs should oppose April’s tax and pay hikes.

Franco Terrazzano is the Federal Director of the Canadian Taxpayers Federation.

Carbon taxes driving food prices higher

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Could become a much more significant driver of food inflation than climate change itself

Sylvain Charlebois

Troy Media

On April 1, the carbon tax will be set at $65 per metric tonne. We are slowly marching towards a carbon tax of $170 per metric tonne by 2030, more than double what it is today.

Yet, so far, not one study has looked at how the carbon tax will impact food affordability in Canada. Not one.

Ottawa is currently considering Bill C-234, which would offer farmers a desperately needed carbon-tax exemption for grain drying and barn heating. If no election is called, the bill remains on track to pass both the House and the Senate and become law by summer.

This would be welcome news for farmers who are subjected to price-taking economics. Taxing farmers more can only cost them more. Ottawa has now invested heavily in programs to help farmers adopt greener soil and energy management practices, but realizing any financial benefits from these changes will take time. And farmers need help now.

But for the rest of the food supply chain, the economic impact of the carbon tax remains a mystery. The federal carbon tax currently impacts Ontario, Manitoba, the Yukon, Alberta, Saskatchewan, and Nunavut. Starting July 1, 2023, the list of provinces under the federal carbon pricing scheme will grow to include Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, Prince Edward Island, and Newfoundland and Labrador. This will only leave British Columbia, Quebec, and the Northwest Territories, which have their own federally approved provincial carbon pricing.

According to a report from the Canadian Federation of Independent Business (CFIB), more than $8 billion will be collected from small businesses through the carbon tax by the end of fiscal 2023, but as little as $35 million will be given back as credit in the form of programs.

Many small businesses, especially family businesses, are in the food industry. In other words, much of the funding is disappearing into Ottawa’s big black public funding box, and few understand what the funds collected through the carbon tax are being used for.

Again, according to a recent survey from the CFIB, 56 per cent of businesses will have no choice but to raise prices due to pressures created by the carbon tax. While some may argue that businesses need to get with the times and reduce their reliance on fossil fuels, the funds are just not coming quickly enough to support small businesses.

In essence, Ottawa needs to help businesses which are part of our agri-food ecosystem. Bill C-234 is just a start. Food processors, artisan shops, and restaurant owners need more and better support, or else, by 2030, the carbon tax will potentially become a much more significant driver of food inflation than climate change itself. That’s right, the policy to penalize polluters could hurt citizens more than climate change, the very thing we are all trying to mitigate.

The ‘stick’ approach exemplified by the carbon tax could be complimented by a ‘carrot’ approach, such as tax credits, a reduction in other taxes or even new grant programs with minimal red tape, which could help businesses reduce their carbon footprint.

Ottawa should be applauded for doing something about climate change. Whether we agree with the carbon tax or not, at least the government is doing something about the climate change problem. But when looking at supply chain economics and as the carbon tax increase over time, our trust in food affordability hangs in the balance. We need to assess and forecast how the carbon tax will burden our food suppliers over time and evaluate how we can support food companies in their journey to a greener future while remaining profitable.

Many families severely impacted by food inflation are quick to criticize grocers for higher food prices. Many, however, don’t realize how our current fiscal regime is making it more difficult for many companies to keep food affordable. Without careful consideration, many families already suffering will be impacted even more by some of these environmental policies.

At the very least, we need to know how significant the impact will be.

Dr. Sylvain Charlebois is senior director of the agri-food analytics lab and a professor in food distribution and policy at Dalhousie University.

What ChatGPT will do to the food industry

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OpenAI will change our world and has the potential to change the food industry

Sylvain Charlebois

Troy Media

We all know that the food industry has been adopting AI slowly compared to other sectors. Well, that’s about to change.

Rather, it is changing already. Technologies like ChatGPT are simply retailing AI, allowing consumers to fully appreciate what AI is and how it can change their world. While it took Facebook 10 months to get a million members, ChatGPT got to one million members in just five days. Things are changing fast.

Machine learning and AI have existed for at least 15 to 20 years. Nothing is new. AI is already everywhere in our lives. But the Elon Musk-funded company OpenAI, which designed ChatGPT, decided to go out and provide public demos to show the world what AI can do.

In many ways, this could become a game changer for the food industry. AI doesn’t create knowledge, at least not yet. But it can help us forecast and become better planners and risk managers.

For instance, think about the food we waste. With AI and smart labels, we could have more data about our food’s shelf life at home before we throw anything away. Best-before dates could become obsolete. Same for recalls. Labels, fridges, cellphones, and watches could tell us when a product was recalled without relying on the news. Our model for food recalls, to throw away everything, is plainly obsolete.

The widely unpopular COVID app was developed a few years ago to keep us safe. We can certainly develop better technology and do the same for recalled food products by using AI to keep us safe.

Our visits to the grocery store could also change. As you prepare to leave, you could have AI optimize your diet based on what’s more affordable that day before you browse aisles physically at the store. Call it your own “inflation cookbook,” if you will. One day, you could also be walking into a grocery store and be asked to either have your face or fingers scanned, giving you suggestions on what to buy to make a favourite recipe based on your own needs, size of household, if you’re hosting, dietary preferences and restrictions and so on. Menu development at the restaurant will also be impacted.

Heck, the first cookbook with all recipes entirely created by AI came out just a few months ago.

In turn, industry use of AI will also likely be enhanced. Grocers will likely use more dynamic pricing because consumers will be better equipped to confront higher food prices. For example, if a product sells, prices go up using digital tags. It’s already happening in many places around the world. Accessible AI could get consumers to appreciate the utility of dynamic pricing in real-time. Things could get interesting.

Consumers are affected by everything – mood, weather, context, the economy, pricing – and so impacts our food choices. Seeking an ideal balance between supply and demand could stabilize food prices over time. A food inflation rate of 10 per cent is just cruel and unsustainable, for both consumers and industry.

Up the food chain, AI is already alive and well. AI algorithms are helping farmers analyze soil, climate, and crop data to predict crop yields, optimize irrigation and fertilization schedules, and improve the efficiency of farming practices. Not all farmers are doing this, of course, but a growing number are.

It’s the same with the supply chain. AI can help predict supply chain disruptions, optimize delivery schedules, and reduce the effect of “shelflation” when a product’s shelf life is compromised by a supply chain issue.

With ChatGPT and other emerging chatbot websites, all of us will better understand what lies ahead. The food industry, especially grocers, will likely respond by embracing more technologies and using consumers as active participants. Scary but exciting at the same time.

But AI won’t have an answer for every challenge the food industry faces. Technology has no ethics or morals; today, food is all about ethics and morals. Food companies have always been caught in this skittish symmetry between traditions, cultures, and technologies. Using new advanced approaches cannot be done to the detriment of what food represents for consumers and communities. But that could change over time. OpenAI will change our world, as the internet did. And it has the potential to change the food industry as well.

Some predict that by 2050, one computer will have the capacity of all human brains on earth. Mindboggling. The food industry needs to be ready for this.

Dr. Sylvain Charlebois is senior director of the agri-food analytics lab and a professor in food distribution and policy at Dalhousie University.

How generative AI is changing the future of customer service

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The transition from overworked customer service staff to AI will happen quickly

Jana Boone
Troy Media

Since the emergence of ChatGPT, AI has suddenly become the talk of the town, with tech companies racing to deliver the best artificially intelligent chatbot. So much so that, by 2024, AI investment is predicted to reach more than US$500 billion.

Businesses aiming to engage clients online through quick and simple conversations are taking note. Chatbots can help close deals and keep customers happy by giving them individualized responses based on their unique requirements.

A recent study predicted that the percentage of customer interactions handled by AI in call centers will rise from two per cent in 2022 to more than 15 per cent by 2026, then double to 30 per cent by 2031. It’s fair to say the increase could be much higher given the quick adoption of and rapid developments in AI over the past few years.

Excellent 24/7 customer service has been demonstrated by companies like AirBnB. They have an Urgent Support Line which gives hosts and guests a quick way to contact a group of highly skilled safety and crisis professionals in a matter of seconds when they are encountering specific time-sensitive circumstances. As a result, customers today naturally expect a flawless experience. A brand’s retention rates can be significantly impacted by poor service. Accordingly, Forbes estimates that poor customer service costs companies US$62 billion annually.

Reuters reported that ChatGPT is the fastest-growing consumer application of all time. Businesses are pondering how AI-powered tools can help ensure a seamless customer experience, such as by responding to customer questions in a personalized, conversational way. This will undoubtedly increase customers’ appetites for more.

Through the use of generative AI, businesses can contact customers with individualized product suggestions, allowing them to leverage a customer’s web browsing and shopping habits, as well as demographic data. These suggestions may be delivered to the user on a website, mobile app, email, or text message.

Combining ChatGPT’s eloquence and language ability with traditional chatbots is the newest key to success. Large language models (LLMs) like ChatGPT will change the perception of chatbots from being cumbersome, impersonal, and flawed to being built using algorithms that are so precise that the old, traditional methods are now entirely out of date.

We’ve all encountered clumsy chatbots with few options for dialogue that produce painfully robotic phrases. Low-functioning chatbots are already being phased out, but as a result of this experience, standards will now soar to new heights and the transition from overworked staff to AI will happen quickly.

Furthermore, marketing campaigns specifically tailored to each consumer may be made with the aid of generative AI, which can analyze customer data to find patterns and categories. When a potential customer feels like they are communicated to personally by a brand, they will likely see the ad as authentic rather than just another campaign to skip past. The likelihood of these ads being successful can be increased by targeting particular client groups according to their demographics, interests, or past purchases.

When a product is being developed, the decisions behind it may be informed by AI’s capacity to discover customer behaviours and trends more quickly than a human could. If that happens, a majority of businesses will likely use generative AI to develop customized campaigns that increase engagement and customer retention rates by utilizing this data to better understand the demands of their customers.

Using AI may improve customer service for organizations by improving customer awareness, enabling quicker responses to queries, and producing experiences that are customized to each customer’s requirements and expectations.

Businesses can also track how their whole customer experience strategy is working, leveraging AI to determine whether a consumer is happy with their product by using automated sentiment analysis operating natural language processing. As a result, they are able to enhance their customer relationship management tactics and give their client-facing workers more beneficial training and feedback.

In the race to stay competitive and best-in-class, leaders, teams, and consumers will all be impacted by the transformation of customer-facing business processes brought about by generative AI technologies. It’s all about ChatGPT right now, but this is just the start of what AI can do for businesses.

Jana Boone is Senior Vice President of Marketing at Bottle Rocket.

Canada Revenue Agency raking in more taxes thanks to shrinkflation

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It is unacceptable that, with “shrinkflation, consumers get less and are taxed more

Sylvain Charlebois

Troy Media

As if shrinkflation wasn’t painful enough for all of us, it looks like the taxman is making shrinking packages even more painful for our wallets.

Shrinkflation occurs when a food manufacturer reduces quantities but continues to sell the product at the same price. We have seen this happening pretty much everywhere in all sections of the grocery store. It’s even happening in the fresh section, with strawberries and blueberries.

The Canada Revenue Agency (CRA) has provisions that make some smaller products taxable that aren’t in their larger forms. This policy is not new: it actually dates back to 2007, when the GST/HST Memorandum was revised. Some articles of the memo even existed back in 1997.

But what is new is the number of products now subject to this Tax Act due to reduced quantities. An increasing number of products, hundreds, are now taxed that weren’t before.

The Act’s policy section Schedule VI, Part III clearly defines a snack and the meaning of a single serving. For instance, the threshold for ice cream is 500 millilitres. Anything below that means the product is taxable as it is considered a snack, not as part of basic groceries. Cakes, muffins, pies, pastries, tarts, cookies, doughnuts, brownies, croissants with sweetened filling or coating, or similar products are all taxable if quantities are reduced below the thresholds specified by the Act.

If food items are pre-packaged for sale to consumers in quantities of less than six items, these products are taxed. Grocery shopping is complicated enough, but now, due to shrinkflation, consumers have to worry about how much more they need to pay. Depending on the province you live in, it could add five to 13 per cent more to the price tag of some products you’re buying. And chances are, you have likely never noticed.

Consumers are being double slammed by the industry and the taxman, in most cases, without knowing it. By “shrinkflating” a product, consumers get less and are taxed more. Just great.

CRA’s GST/HST Memorandum 4.3 on taxable food products includes 156 articles. Few will ever understand or even know how to interpret the Act and appreciate how it applies to the 18,000 to 25,000 food products you can find in a regular grocery store. Knowing how many items were taxed in compliance with the law is practically impossible.

A recent survey conducted by Dalhousie University, in partnership with Caddle, shows that 67 per cent of Canadians have found at least one mistake on their grocery receipt in the last year. That is an astonishing number. And according to the same survey, only 9.2 per cent have seen tax on a food item that shouldn’t have been taxed. The true number is likely much higher. One can only assume that many consumers wouldn’t have been able to pick up on mistakes related to taxable items. The law is incredibly confusing for everyone. Even some grocers have admitted to having made mistakes and having applied taxes on food products when they shouldn’t have.

With shrinkflation, many products which are now taxed find their way into lunchboxes for school children. Most of these products were designed to bring convenience to our lives, but paying more taxes is certainly not what most consumers would consider convenient.

Food at the grocery store should never be taxed unless it is serviced to be consumed right away. Or, at the very minimum, the Act should be changed to exempt smaller single servings and packages that include less than six items.

Skrinkflation has been around for well over 30 years, perhaps even longer. The strategy has angered many consumers for obvious reasons. With food inflation at a 40-year-high, most consumers are blaming the industry for their ills at the grocery store.

Yet many tend to forget how our own fiscal regime also makes our food more expensive. For example, the carbon tax, which impacts food affordability through the supply chain, will rise to $65 a metric ton on Apr. 1 and will reach $170 a metric ton by 2030. It is incumbent that Canadians know how the policy will influence our food bill over time.

But while the carbon tax is hidden, sales taxes are very real for all of us. Higher food costs due to more taxes adds insult to injury. This is not unacceptable.

Dr. Sylvain Charlebois is senior director of the agri-food analytics lab and a professor in food distribution and policy at Dalhousie University.

A provincial remedy to the excesses of medical assisted suicide

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Decriminalizing “Medical Assistance in Dying” (MAiD) in 2016 apparently confirmed a powerful social bias in favour of personal freedom. Presented as a free choice – affecting no one else – euthanasia seemed acceptable to most Canadians.

However, this tells only part of the story, for euthanasia is not only about death by choice; it is also defined as high-priority medical care. Unfortunately, like a new organism released in an established ecosystem, the arrival of euthanasia could not fail to affect every detail of the medical environment.

First of all, it is an ethical requirement for doctors to inform patients of all available treatment options. This means informing each patient of their “right” to access euthanasia (MAiDs). The typical non-suicidal patient is thus immediately confronted with the possibility of assisted death, in the same way that one is confronted by an open elevator shaft or a missing guardrail. Suddenly a danger exists which must be consciously avoided.

Nor does the threat end there. Doctors are expected to proactively prescribe optimal treatment (to which the patient normally consents), but some doctors are very partial to euthanasia. It is thus to be expected that many patients will succumb to the suggestion of these “professionals,” even though they would never have spontaneously thought, themselves, to request assisted death.

Indeed, it is not easy to fix a clear boundary between the legitimate professional duty to convince recalcitrant patients of what is truly best for them, and the abusive application of “undue influence” in proposing death as treatment. Certainly, this is a slippery slope!

Roger Foley, for example, eloquently describes being offered euthanasia on multiple occasions during a prolonged hospital stay caused by his inability to obtain adequate care at home. Eventually, hospital staff informed Foley that he would either have to pay an exorbitant daily fee or be discharged without the care he needed to survive. Accounts of this situation were naturally greeted with outrage by the press. But there also remains a sort of perverse logic in defence of the hospital based on the medical definition of MAiD. By refusing euthanasia, Foley had effectively refused the proposition of a perfectly legitimate medical treatment, which would normally lessen the hospital’s responsibility towards him considerably.

Similarly, in the now-famous scandal of Canadian veterans being offered MAiD for PTSD, we must remember that Bill C-7 authorizes euthanasia for mental illness without any physical issues. Therefore, while many Canadians might agree that the offending caseworker behaved misguidedly, no one in authority has affirmed that veterans will not be euthanized for PTSD. Quite the contrary: in today’s legal and medical setting, it is a virtual certainty that they will be offered MAiD.

To suggest that human life should be ended according to medical criteria is an entirely different proposition from saying that people might be allowed to seek assistance in death of their own free will. As euthanasia is increasingly institutionalized, and as a younger generation of professionals becomes fully adjusted to its “medical” use, we must expect that typical patients will face an increasingly hostile clinical environment if they do not accept the recommended treatment. We are witnessing the transition of our entire health-care system to a new utilitarian model that is totally at odds with traditional assumptions of life-affirming care.

This is not what Canadians thought they were getting. And more importantly, there has been no serious debate about making such a radical change.

Happily, one glimmer of hope is to be found in the fact that health is a provincial responsibility; that just as Quebec was able to define euthanasia as medical care, so other provinces can revisit their decision. And without being able to prohibit euthanasia entirely (an exclusively federal power), each province and territory can permit or forbid euthanasia in any institution under its authority. They are free to decide whether their funds will support euthanasia, and free to regulate the behaviour of health professionals.

These are very serious concerns. Health care consumes nearly a full third of all government spending. Do Canadians wish to pay for a system that will care for us when needed? Or do we want to pay for a system designed to bury us at the lowest possible cost?

Gordon Friesen has been following the assisted death question closely since the early nineteen-nineties and is currently President of the Euthanasia Prevention Coalition.

Indian Act again under attack

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Joseph Quesnel

Troy Media


Political attacks on the Indian Act are back in the news, and that is a good thing.

However, Canadian politicians, including First Nation politicians, need a credible plan about what to do before we pull out the champagne.

Attacking the Indian Act is not a big deal for these politicians. First Nation leaders routinely criticize this relic of our distant colonial past, but nothing seems to happen to make their lives better. The Indian Act is, in fact, the Pinata of Indigenous political life in Canada.

Recently, it was Conservative Party Leader Pierre Poilievre’s turn to swing a stick at the Pinata.

“The Indian Act is a disaster. It is a racist, colonial hangover that gives all the control to self-serving, incompetent politicians and bureaucrats and lobbyists in Ottawa and takes away control from the First Nations themselves,” Poilievre told Global News.

Of course, he is correct. Racist? Check. The architects of South Africa’s apartheid regime looked to the Indian Act for inspiration. Colonial? Check. The legislation removed control over political life and took resources away from First Nation communities and placed it in the hands of a colonial elite. Fast forward to now, and those colonial elite are federal bureaucrats.

The last time our politicians discussed a credible plan to repeal the Act was in 1969 with the infamous White Paper. The government of Trudeau père proposed changing the relationship between Indigenous communities and the Canadian state in a fundamental way. Fear of the unknown and justifiable concern over abandoning treaties and collective rights caused First Nations at the time to come together to oppose the proposed changes.

Harold Cardinal, a young but prominent Indigenous leader from Alberta, said it best: “We do not want the Indian Act retained because it is a good piece of legislation. It isn’t. It is discriminatory from start to finish. But it is a lever in our hands and an embarrassment to the government, as it should be. No just society and no society with even pretensions to being just can long tolerate such a piece of legislation, but we would rather continue to live in bondage under the inequitable Indian Act than surrender our sacred rights.”

Cardinal then invited the government to re-write a law with Indigenous help.

Over 50 years later, no government has accepted Cardinal’s offer to revise the Act in any meaningful way. The previous Conservative government was clear in 2012 that they would not repeal the law. At a Crown-First Nations gathering, Prime Minister Stephen Harper said: “Our government has no grand scheme to repeal or unilaterally re-write the Indian Act. After 136 years, that tree has deep roots. Blowing up the stump would just leave a big hole.”

However, it would be incorrect to say First Nations have not moved away from supporting the Act. Harper, in his comments, acknowledged collaborative ways to move away from the Indian Act.

First Nations can now remove themselves from some or even all of the provisions of the Indian Act through self-government agreements and various legislative escapes covering many areas of jurisdiction.

But moving away from the Act in its entirety would be a very big feat. They could attempt if Ottawa can create enough goodwill and political capital with First Nations communities.

Two years ago, I released an ambitious plan to abandon the Indian Act completely over 10 years.

If Poilievre or another politician wants to repeal the Indian Act, it would be helpful to compare the debate with that over the Canada Health Act, which imposes a top-down system that undercuts innovation or reform at the provincial level. Both show how distant bureaucrats are unsuited to making decisions for local communities.

The Indian Act forced First Nations across Canada to adopt the same governance, community membership, and economic restrictions despite a high level of diversity among communities. One idea is to make it easier for First Nations to opt out of provisions in the Act that don’t work for them. Or Ottawa could allow more regional decentralization on policy and service delivery. The principle of subsidiarity holds that every issue should be decided at the lowest level possible, involving all those affected. This should apply to Indigenous communities.

The federal bureaucracy overseeing First Nation communities should loosen its tight grip on Indigenous communities and allow them to experiment and innovate through local self-rule and decentralization. This is the first step on the ways towards abolishing the Indian Act.
Joseph Quesnel received a BA honours in political science and history from McGill University and is currently completing a master of journalism degree from Carleton University, with a specialization in public affairs reporting. Joseph has over 15 years of experience in print journalism including over three years as lead staff writer at the Drum/First Perspective, a national Aboriginal publication.

Canadian emission reduction targets making things worse for the planet

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by Krystle Wittevrongel

Troy Media

If Canada were to be carbon neutral tomorrow, it would take China only 21 days to ensure our current annual emissions were put back into the atmosphere.

And it’s only expected to get worse. As a share of the global total, China’s greenhouse gas emissions have risen from 19.4 per cent in 2005 to 27.4 per cent in 2019. Meanwhile, Canada’s shrank from two per cent to 1.6 per cent of the global total over the same period.

Needless to say, with such a small carbon footprint, Canada alone can’t solve climate change.

That has not prevented Ottawa from setting aggressive emissions reduction targets for Canadians. Its plan is so aggressive it aims to eliminate nearly half our emissions by 2030, which will lead to drastic cuts to the standard of living for Canadian families and a reduction in the bottom line for Canadian businesses. We can also expect it to be accompanied by a fast-increasing carbon tax.

The Trudeau government alleges that reducing Canada’s emissions will help reduce worldwide emissions, despite criticism that it will lead to widespread economic and social harm, is wildly unrealistic, and will even trap Indigenous Canadians in poverty.

Adding insult to injury, there’s a good chance the Trudeau government’s emissions reduction targets will not achieve its goal of greening our environment. With the way the plan is designed, a decent share of any emissions we cut here will simply – like a game of environmental Whac-a-Mole – pop up elsewhere.

This is due to a phenomenon known as carbon leakage,” where investment and industrial activity, and the associated emissions (often in energy-intensive sectors), shift or “leak” from one jurisdiction to another where carbon taxes are lower and emissions standards are likely not as stringent.

Let’s look at aluminum. Both China and Canada are major aluminum producers, but production in Canada doesn’t emit nearly as much pollution into the atmosphere as production in China. By some measures, Canadian aluminum is about seven times greener than Chinese aluminum.

Logically, we should be trying to attract as many aluminum smelters here as possible and make it more advantageous for consumers to buy Canadian aluminum. Unfortunately, Canadian aluminum producers are currently less competitive due to the added costs of carbon taxes. This is a clear-cut case of the loss of competitiveness due to locally focused emissions reduction schemes actually making things worse for the planet.

But by Ottawa’s reckoning, as long as these extra tonnes of greenhouse gases don’t get emitted within our borders, it’s a reason to pop open the champagne and celebrate.

If our reductions are having no impact on the global climate, are the concessions that Canadians are making worth it?

It will take only nine days (or less!) for China to erase the cuts made by Ottawa’s emissions reductions plan through 2030. The constrained production, lost jobs, and forgone quality of life improvements (not to mention government revenues) through 2030 will be quickly invalidated by Chinese emissions.

This is why our governments need to shift their focus from reducing local emissions to measuring their climate strategies’ global impact. It should take into consideration that reducing global emissions may actually mean an increase in local or domestic emissions.

The Trudeau government’s greenwashing, which leads to Canada exporting emissions (and jobs), doesn’t help anybody. We’re too small an emitter for our efforts alone to make a difference.

Krystle Wittevrongel is a senior policy analyst and Alberta project lead at the Montreal Economic Institute.

MAiD: Legalize first, ask questions later

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In 2021, Parliament set up a special committee of MPs and Senators to study the issue of “medical assistance in dying” (or MAiD) and to make recommendations to Parliament. The Special Joint Committee on Medical Assistance in Dying released its “Choices for Canadians” report on February 15.
 
The Committee recommends expanding MAiD further, even though Canada’s existing MAID regime has major problems. Canada already has one of the most permissive euthanasia regimes in the world and has failed to protect vulnerable Canadians. Further expansion will only exacerbate the problems.
 
The Committee addressed three areas for expansion; MAiD where a mental disorder is the sole underlying medical condition, MAiD for “mature minors” (i.e. older children), and MAiD by advance request – meaning that a person can ask now to be euthanized later, when they have lost the capacity to give consent.
 
On MAiD for mental illness, the Committee’s report summarized arguments that witnesses made about whether mental illness is ever irremediable, whether being suicidal is different than wanting to be euthanized, and whether Canadians will choose MAiD due to lack of access to services.
 
Meanwhile, a 2021 report by a committee of the Quebec legislature recommended against MAiD for mental illness. And a 2022 Expert Panel report on MAiD for mental illness noted significant risks and concluded, “This report is the beginning of a process, not the end.”
 
The Committee endorses the government’s decision to delay legalizing MAiD for mental illness until March 2024, acknowledging that potential problems have not been adequately addressed. But they support legalizing it anyway, assuming the problems will work themselves out. The Committee says it should reconvene five months before MAiD for mental illness begins to discuss it again.
 
Next, the Committee recommends legalizing MAiD for “minors deemed to have the requisite decision-making capacity upon assessment.” Here too, there are major gaps in the research, and multiple witnesses told the Committee about the need for further consultation and research, about the need for greater access to supportive services for youth, and about the limited capacity of minors to understand and make a decision to end their own life at their age.
 
The Committee admits it is “important to proceed cautiously in allowing MAiD for mature minors.” Hence, it recommends that an independent expert panel study and evaluate the provision of MAiD to minors in the five years after it is legalized. Permit, then study. Experiment, that is. Who knows what problems they will discover in their study five years from now, but there’s no undoing the past. There’s no bringing euthanized children back from the dead.
 
The Committee supports conducting “consultations” with minors to get a sense of their views on MAiD, as this remains largely unknown. But again, for this Committee, it’s legalize first, consult after.
 
Finally, the Committee recommends that the government “allow for advance requests following a diagnosis of a serious and incurable medical condition, disease, or disorder leading to incapacity” despite the difficulty in predicting the rate of decline and anticipating in advance what a person might later feel is an intolerable condition, after he has lost the capacity to give (or refuse) permission to euthanize him.
 
The report also addresses the fact that many Indigenous people are worried about what MAiD means for their communities, and that they have not been adequately consulted. Yet, MAiD is already available to them and is having an impact on their communities.
 
The Committee report raises more problems than it resolves. In March 2021, Parliament passed Bill C-7, which was supposed to legalize MAiD for mental illness in March 2023. They legalized it at a future date, then spent two years trying to justify the forthcoming legalization. They failed. Then they delayed for another year. The Committee commits the same folly. Commit to legalizing now; justify later.
 
We cannot afford to play catch-up on implementing safeguards, monitoring implementation, and researching risks after expanding euthanasia and ending thousands more lives. MAiD is irreversible, and the federal government must recognize the inherent problems with any further expansion.
 
Daniel Zekveld is a Policy Analyst with the Association for Reformed Political Action (ARPA) Canada.

Farmers are partnering with investors to bolster the agricultural sector

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We all know what’s happening to real estate these days. Everything got more expensive in a hurry, fueled by rock-bottom interest rates. But farming has also been impacted by lower interest rates and investors looking for safety and better yields.
 
The increase in farmland value in Canada has been nothing short of spectacular. The value per acre of farmland in Canada has skyrocketed by 334 per cent since 2001, but most of the increases have occurred within the last few years. Since 2016, the increase has been 213 per cent. According to Statistics Canada, the average acre in Canada is now worth almost $3,800, compared to $862 back in 2001.
 
The value of an acre of farmland in Saskatchewan has increased by 391 per cent since 2001, the highest in the country. The highest increase since 2016 is in Manitoba, by 266 per cent. Depending on what is produced, some farmland valuations have increased more than others due to various factors such as location, soil quality, and potential revenues.
 
The Atlantic region, though, is not seeing much change compared with other regions. Increases in New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, and Prince Edward Island have been more modest. Farming in the Atlantic region remains affordable compared to other provinces, not due to protectionist policies but more because farming is not as profitable and options to market are limited for many farmers. With lower value increases, building capacity when land is barely worth more year after year is more challenging.
 
In contrast, since 2016, the average farm real estate value in the United States has increased by 27 per cent, according to the latest report from the U.S. Department of Agriculture. But an acre of farmland on average in the U.S. is now worth about US$3,800, so Canada has somewhat caught up to the U.S. in recent years.
 
Farmland values are being pushed higher in Canada by a series of economic forces. The includes high prices for commodity crops, a robust housing market, an extended period where interest rates were extremely low until recently, and a profusion of government subsidies supporting certain sectors. Compensation, which exceeded $5 billion, linked to trade agreements and given to supply-managed sectors like dairy, poultry, and eggs, has overcapitalized many farm operations out there, compelling many to buy land. That’s a problem few are talking about.
 
In Canada, barely seven per cent of all our land is devoted to agriculture. It’s not a lot, and that amount of land where farming occurs is shrinking. In 2011, 166 million acres of land were devoted to farming to support over 245,000 farms. Today, this amount is about 150 million acres for about 188,000 farms. Farms are bigger, more resourceful, and more efficient.
 
Yes, farmland in Canada is getting more expensive, but farmers in Canada are also making more money. In 2021, cash receipts exceeded $83 billion, a record, and 2022 is likely to be another record year. Last year was also a record year for agri-food exports; if you’re a hedge fund or an investor, these numbers will catch your attention, and they have. Fewer barriers, including the end of the Wheat Board’s single desk on wheat and barley, have brought a slew of new possibilities for the farming community.
 
As a result, we have seen more farmers renting land instead of owning. Close to 50 per cent of farmers in Canada now rent land instead of owning. Some may see this as a threat to normal ways of producing food and supporting agriculture, but it’s not necessarily a terrible strategy.
 
In fact, the largest farmland owner in the country is not even a farmer. Alberta’s own Robert Andjelic has bought over 225,500 acres of land, a portfolio worth somewhere between $500 and $700 million. At the root of this investor’s move into agriculture is the will to produce more food and address our global food security crunch. Along with his capital, his team brought knowledge of sound soil management practices, helping over 250 farmer-tenants to benefit from such expertise. Andjelic’s job is to make sure his tenants make money. Otherwise, he’s not getting paid – simple as that. This new way of thinking can make Canadian agriculture more profitable.
 
Canada’s agri-food potential is immense, and farmland has always been a good investment. A growing number of groups and investors who understand how to make capital work are making a difference. The intent of investors from outside the agriculture sector is to make our agriculture stronger.
 
Farmers who have been in the system for decades still have a lot to offer. But producing and investing simultaneously is getting harder, which is slowly getting agricultural pundits to specialize. Capital markets and the investment community worldwide have changed dramatically over the last five years. This is why more than half of younger farmers in Canada are leasing land now in order to operate.
 
The correlation between land prices, rental rates, and farm revenues is quite strong. All three tend to move synchronously higher over time, according to a report from Farm Credit Canada last year. With more specialization, everyone wins. Younger farmers also see value in renting and partnering with investors. It’s just a different way of seeing farming.
 
Dr. Sylvain Charlebois is senior director of the agri-food analytics lab and a professor in food distribution and policy at Dalhousie University.